Missile defense: a bargaining chip

The Pentagon scrapped in September the missile shield plan in Eastern Europe, removing a major obstacle to bilateral ties.

The Bush administration planned to deploy 10 missile interceptors in Poland and a radar system in the Czech Republic as part of its European missile shield, which was viewed by the Kremlin as a big threat to Russia's national security.

While abandoning the missile shield program, the Obama administration unveiled a four-phased and adaptive deployment plan for the missile defense systems in Europe from 2011 to 2020.

The Pentagon said the new plan would sustain U.S. homeland defense against long-range ballistic missile threats, better protect U.S. deployed forces, civilian personnel and their accompanying families, as well as U.S. allies in Europe and the Middle East, against the near-term missile threat from Iran.

In bargaining with Russia, the White House has bound its missile defense plan in Europe and the Iran's nuclear program together, in order to convince the Kremlin that the U.S. missile defense deployment is not targeted at Russia and to convince the Russians to exert their influence on Tehran.

The Kremlin, while insisting on linking missile defense with nuclear arms cut, has asked the White House to detail its new missile shield plans, but only to get a lukewarm response.

Obama's move to abandon the missile shield plan might have helped mend frayed relations with Russia, said Michael O'Hanlon, director for research at the Brookings Institution in an interview with Xinhua.

O'Hanlon said that Obama has to make it clearer to Russia that U.S. missile defense strategy would be modified in the future, but no deployment would target at Russia.

More efforts needed to improve relations

In the view of James Collins at Carnegie Endowment, Obama has to bear in mind that improving U.S.-Russia relations needs more efforts and his administration should try to "set the two countries on a new and better course."

Differences concerning their respective strategic interests, such as he missile shield plan and NATO's continued assimilation of Ukraine and Georgia, would dim the hope for better U.S.-Russia ties despite recent positive development.

Following Obama's Moscow visit, U.S. Vice President Joe Biden visited Kiev and Tbilisi, reassuring the former Soviet republics that Washington would continue its support for their efforts to join the NATO despite the "reset" process in U.S.-Russia relations.

NATO has not ceased its efforts to embrace the two countries though it has never unveiled any concrete plan for that end.

The Obama administration, like its predecessor, has continued to voice firm support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine and Georgia, and their "Euro-Atlantic aspirations and integration into the institutions of the Euro-Atlantic."

On its part, Russia has taken as a key issue concerning its national interests an untouchable bottom line in its foreign policy to prevent Ukraine and Georgia from joining NATO.

Interestingly, Assistant Secretary of State Philip Gordon told U.S. lawmakers on July 29 that Washington would consider Russia membership in NATO if Russia meets the criteria for European democracy and contribute to common security.

The remark is believed to reflect a new thinking by the Obama administration on "resetting" relations with Russia and reshaping the international political and security orders.

Observers said the White House has been trying to convince the Kremlin that NATO's enlargement is not against Russia and that NATO's door is open to it.

Four months later, the Kremlin proposed a new European Security Treaty draft, renewing its call for establishing a new security structure in Europe to replace NATO.

Steven Pifer, senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, told Xinhua that the Russians are deeply concerned with changes in European institutions, particularly the enlargement of NATO and the European Union, so they are seeking an "equal security" with others in a new security structure in Europe.

Pifer said U.S. decision-makers should be prepared to have a dialogue with the Russians about the new security structure, but suggested they maintain some kind of "prerogatives" for NATO and the European Union.

Some observers said that Russia and the United States will remain as both friends and foes in the years to come. Different national interests and strategic objectives will set both countries apart on some major international and regional issues, but the necessity for mutual support and interdependence to face common challenges will prompt them to compromise and play according to the rules of the game.